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Abstract
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Sexual Assault among Adolescents and College Students
Sexual assault is a significant problem among adolescents and college students in the United States. Findings from the Campus Sexual Assault study estimated that 15.9% of college women had experienced attempted or completed sexual assault (i.e., unwanted sexual contact that could include sexual touching, oral sex, intercourse, anal sex, or penetration with a finger or object) prior to entering college and 19% had experienced attempted or completed sexual assault since entering college (Krebs, Lindquist, Warner, Fisher, & Martin, 2009). These rates are problematic, as sexual assault in adolescence and/or young adulthood is associated with numerous adverse outcomes, including repeated victimization, depressive symptomology, heavy drinking, and suicidal ideation (Cortens, Eckenrode, & Rothman, 2013; Cui, Ueno, Gordon, & Fincham, 2013; Halpern, Spriggs, Martin, & Kupper, 2009). Importantly, there is evidence indicating experiences of sexual assault during these two life phases are related, as victimization and perpetration during adolescence are, respectively, associated with increased risk of victimization and perpetration during young adulthood (Cui, Ueno, Gordon, & Fincham, 2013). Thus, early prevention efforts are of paramount importance.
Reviews of research on the effectiveness of programs designed to prevent sexual assault among adolescents and college students have noted both a dearth of high-quality studies, such as randomized controlled trials (RCTs), and minimal evidence that these prevention programs have meaningful effects on young people's behavior (DeGue, Valle, Holt, Massetti, Matjasko, & Tharp, 2014; De Koker, Mathews, Zuch, Bastien, & Mason-Jones, 2014). Concerning the latter point, evaluations of such programs tend to measure attitudinal outcomes (e.g., rape supportive attitudes, rape myth acceptance) more frequently than behavioral outcomes (e.g., perpetration or victimization) (Anderson & Whiston, 2005; Cornelius & Resseguie, 2007; DeGue et al., 2014). Additionally, findings from a meta-analysis of studies assessing outcomes of college sexual assault prevention programs suggested that effects are larger for attitudinal outcomes than for the actual incidence of sexual assault (Anderson & Whiston, 2005).
The Bystander Approach
Given this paucity of evidence of behavior change, it is imperative that researchers identify effective strategies for preventing sexual assault among adolescents and young adults. One promising strategy is the implementation of bystander programs, which encourage young people to intervene when witnessing incidents or warning signs of sexual assault. The strength of the bystander model lies in its emphasis on the role of peers in the prevention of violence. Peers are a salient influence on young people's intimate relationships (Adelman & Kil, 2007; Giordano, 2003). In some respects, this can be detrimental, as having friends involved in violent intimate relationships (i.e., characterized by sexual or physical violence) is a risk factor for becoming both a perpetrator and victim of violence (Arriaga & Foshee, 2004; Foshee, Benefield, Ennett, Bauman, & Suchindran, 2004; Foshee, Linder, MacDougall, & Bangdiwala, 2001; Foshee, Reyes, & Ennett, 2010; McCauley et al., 2013). However, peers can also have a positive impact on intimate relationships.
Young victims and perpetrators of violence are often reluctant to divulge their experience or to seek help (especially from adults), but when they do seek help they often seek it from their peers (Ashley & Foshee, 2005; Black, Tolman, Callahan, Saunders, & Weisz, 2008; Molidor & Tolman, 1998; Weisz, Tolman, Callahan, Saunders, & Black, 2007). This indicates that victims trust their peers to provide a valuable source of support after an assault has occurred. Importantly, it also suggests that peers have the potential to play a pivotal role in the prevention of sexual assault by intervening when they witness its warning signs. In fact, in a contemporary “hookup culture” adolescents and young adults are more likely to meet and socialize in groups than they are to date in pairs and, thus, warning signs of assault are frequently exhibited in communal spaces (Bogle, 2007; 2008; Molidor & Tolman, 1998). Thus, the social nature of intimate relationships during these life stages can make peers pivotal actors in the prevention of sexual assault.
However, the potential for peer intervention can be undermined by a general “bystander effect” that diffuses responsibility for action in group settings (Darley & Latane, 1968). To intervene as a witness to sexual assault, individuals must notice the event (or its warning signs), define the event as warranting action/intervention, take responsibility for acting (i.e., feel a sense of personal duty), and demonstrate a sufficient level of self-efficacy (i.e., perceived competence to successfully intervene) (Latane & Darley, 1969). Studies have indicated that, as witnesses to sexual assault, young people often fail to meet these criteria (Banyard, 2008; Bennett, Banyard, & Garnhart, 2014; Burn, 2009; Casey & Ohler, 2012; Exner & Cummings, 2011; McCauley et al., 2013; McMahon, 2010; Noonan & Charles, 2009), with males being less likely than females to intervene (Banyard, 2008; Burn, 2009; Edwards, Rodenhizer-Stampfli, & Eckstein, 2015; Exner & Cummings, 2011; McMahon, 2010) ...
Language: en |