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Abstract
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Though the prevalence of gun possession and carrying among juveniles is now fairly well documented (at least among non-serious offenders), little research has examined juveniles' reasons for possessing and carrying guns beyond noting that youth who report robbery and assaultive behavior have higher rates of gun and other weapon possession than do non-violent youth. The present study examines the question of motivation behind gun possession and carrying by criminally-inclined youths through analysis of survey data collected from juveniles incarcerated in maximum security reformatories. The findings support the popular fear that juvenile offenders are heavily involved in gun-related crime, though the same findings point to multiple needs and uses for guns. Using a number of measures-reasons for carrying guns, for using them during the commission of crimes, for purchasing them, etc.- it appears that the primary reason for gun possession and carrying is the juvenile's perception of the need to be armed for protection. This is the case even among those who were involved in such predatory crimes as armed robbery prior to incarceration. Thus, legislative attempts to dissuade youth from obtaining guns to commit crimes are likely misplaced, since the guns eventually used in crime are usually obtained for protective purposes. Only when firearms are perceived as no longer needed can we expect a serious drop in gun-related offenses among youth.
VioLit summary:
OBJECTIVE:
The purpose of this study by Sheley and Wright was to examine motivations behind gun possession and carrying by juvenile offenders.
METHODOLOGY:
A survey was employed in a quasi-experimental one-shot case study of incarcerated youth. A sample of 835 male youths incarcerated in California, New Jersey, Illinois, and Louisiana in 1991 were selected on a volunteer basis and self-report questionnaires were administered. Sites were selected non-randomly, however, the authors believed these sites to be representative. The offense types ranged from drug related crimes to homicide. According to the authors, sociodemographic characteristics were not addressed due to the fact that all relationships remained constant even within any sociodemographic category. In order to determine the type of firearm possessed prior to incarceration, respondents were asked to report whether they possessed such weapons as revolvers, automatic or semiautomatic handguns, regular shotguns, sawed-off shotguns, and "other" (e.g., hunting rifles, derringers, cap guns). Gun carrying was measured by determining the frequency respondents carried a gun outside the home during the year or two prior to incarceration. Respondents who carried a gun "all" or "most" of the time as opposed to "only now and then" or "never," were considered "routine" carriers. Criminal behavior involving a firearm was measured as whether or not respondent had ever (a) obtained a gun specifically to use in committing a crime, (b) committed a crime with a gun, (c) fired a gun during a crime, (d) fired a gun at somebody, or (e) committed armed robbery. Respondents who reported being armed "always" or "usually" during the commission of a crime were then asked to rate the importance five possible reasons for being armed: (1) there is always a chance the victim will be armed, (2) you have to be ready to defend yourself, (3) victim won't put up a fight, (4) might need it to escape, and (5) people don't "mess with" armed offenders. Inmate respondents were also asked to strongly agree, agree, disagree, or disagree strongly to two questions concerning status: (1) "In my crowd, if you don't have a gun people don't respect you" and (2) "My friends would look down on me if I didn't carry a gun." Respondents were also asked to rate on a 3-point scale (very likely, somewhat likely, or not too likely) the possibility that they would carry a gun in certain situations (during a drug deal, raising hell, in a strange area, at night, hanging out with friends, friends were carrying guns, needed protection, or planning a crime). Reliability tests were conducted to check the logical consistency of responses. The authors found inconsistencies on 14 items. The authors stated they relied primarily upon construct validation due to the anonymous nature of participation of respondents. However, "numerous" validity tests were conducted. For example (the only example provided), respondents who attributed peer respect to ownership also felt that friends would look down them if they didn't carry a gun (Pearson's r=.638).
FINDINGS/DISCUSSION:
Eighty-three percent of respondents reported possessing a gun during the year or two prior to incarceration. Handguns were the most commonly owned firearm (58%) followed by sawed-off shotguns (51%), regular shotguns (39%) and rifles (39%). Fifty-five percent of respondents carried guns routinely while 40% procured a gun for use in a crime, 55% fired a gun during a crime, and 76% said they had fired a gun at someone. Forty-nine percent of the sample reported having committed armed robbery. The authors contended these data show that fear of victimization by armed juveniles is not unfounded. Ownership of a firearm and the routine carrying of a gun were significantly and strongly associated with violent activity. The relationship between carrying a firearm and having fired a gun a someone was stronger than that of carrying a gun and having engaged in any of the predatory offenses. "Very important" reasons for carrying a weapon during a crime were (1) defense (80%), (2) victim might be armed (58%), (3) escape (49%), (4) victim won't put up a fight (45%), and (5) people won't "mess with" an armed offender (42%). Seventy-percent of respondents reported being scared off or wounded by an armed victim. Because the percentage of inmates who had procured a gun specifically for use in a crime (40%) was less than the percentage of those who had committed gun-related crimes (63%), the authors considered whether other ends, like status, might motivate gun possession. However, 86% of respondents rejected a statement referring to possession out of respect and 89% said they strongly disagreed with the statement "My friends would look down on me if I didn't carry a gun." Additionally, it was found that respondents were unlikely to carry a gun "when hanging out with friends." Therefore, according to the authors, the "symbolism," or status hypothesis may be dismissed.
Self-protection and preservation dominated the responses regarding motivation for carrying a gun. Respondents who carried a gun did so most often in a strange area (72%), when they were out at night (58%), and for protection (75%). For any of the three types of guns purchased, protection was cited by the largest percentage of respondents as a "very important" reason for purchasing their most recent gun. The authors concluded that the evidence presented suggests that respondents thought their odds of survival were better if they were armed. Eighty-four percent reported having been threatened with a gun or shot at, and half had at one time been stabbed. The authors noted that juveniles seeking protection through firearms are doing so to protect themselves from each other. The authors concluded that only when youths feel they do not need protection will gun-related crime decrease.
(CSPV Abstract - Copyright © 1992-2007 by the Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence, Institute of Behavioral Science, Regents of the University of Colorado)
California
New Jersey
Illinois
Louisiana
Firearms Ownership
Juvenile Firearms Carrying
Firearms Carrying Causes
Firearms Violence
Juvenile Inmate
Inmate Studies
Incarcerated
Juvenile Violence
Juvenile Male
Juvenile Offender
Male Offender
Male Violence
Male Inmate
Firearms Possession |