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Abstract
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In this article the structural-cultural perspective is offered as an alternative theoretical model to explain the etiology of specific patterns of black-on-black violence that occur as a result of lower-class black male adherence to norms that emphasize sexual conquest. The theory is a multifactor argument that assumes that there are specific types of black-on-black violence occur because of black exposure to racially induced structural pressures and dysfunctional cultural adaptations to those pressures. Because few studies examine the intrapersonal and interpersonal dynamics of black-on-black violence, this discussion of the structural-cultural perspective is grounded on findings and inferences from product (Wolfgang-type) studies of criminal violence and ethnographic accounts of lower-class black communities throughout the United States.
VioLit summary:
OBJECTIVE:
The purpose of this paper by Oliver was to examine a structural-cultural perspective as an alternative theoretical model for patterns of black-on-black violence.
METHODOLOGY:
The author employed a non-experimental explanatory examination of a structural-cultural theory of the etiology of specific patterns of violence that occur as a result of the adherence of lower-class black males to norms stressing sexual conquest.
FINDINGS/DISCUSSION:
The author began by examining the prevalence of black-on-black violence. Although blacks represent only 12% of the country's population, they are disproportionately represented among the perpetrators and the victims of violent crime. Lower-class blacks have the highest rates of violent crime victimization than any other race and income subgroup, and black deaths from homicide are six times that of whites. Little consensus exists regarding the causes of this situation, although explanations posited include lack of impulse control, acquired biological causes, social disorganization and inadequate socialization, poverty, racial discrimination and displaced aggression, black self-hate, the existence of a subculture of violence, the cheapening of black life due to lenient penalties for those who assault blacks, involvement in drinking and drug abuse, and an overemphasis on material success. However, most of these theories overpredict the proportion of blacks who are likely to become enmeshed in violent situations, and they do not examine the role of intrapersonal and interpersonal processes involved in black-on-black violence. The structural-cultural perspective tries to remedy this gap in knowledge, and assumes that the high rates of violence in the black community are due to structural pressures and dysfunctional cultural adaptations to these pressures. The structural pressures in this theory are those patterns of American political, economic, social and cultural organization that are designed to maintain white superiority and black inferiority. The dysfunctional adaptations include the failure of the black community to develop an Afrocentric cultural ideology, and its tendency to tolerate images of manhood that include being tough and playing women. The lack of a black ideology results in the internalization of Euro-American assessments of blacks as inferior, the loss of the African cultural heritage, and self-hatred and depreciation of the black people and culture. It has also led to a lack of positive structure in the socialization of lower-class black boys, who enter manhood as directed by the street ideology that defines being a man in terms of compulsive masculinity. Lack of access to political and economic power, and limited educational and employment opportunities, have left a large number of black men without the skills and resources necessary to successfully fulfill the traditional male role. As a result of exposure to institutionalized racism and the process of inferiorizaton, many black males have adopted an alternative definition of masculinity, valuing overt toughness, sexual conquest, manipulation and thrillseeking in order to mitigate feelings of low self-esteem and powerlessness that ensue from an inability to enact the traditional male role. Form these values have emerged two role alternatives: the tough-guy and the player-of-women images. The first defines masculinity in terms of fearlessness, emotional control and a willingness to use violence, whilst the second advocates overt promiscuity, dominance and emotional and sexual exploitation of women. Specific violent-offender relationships have emerged as a result of the enactment of this latter alternative role orientation. Competition between males for the attention of females can lead to violent conflict, as males try to enact the player-of-women image in pursuit of the same woman. Violent confrontations between black males may also be precipitated by a female's sexual infidelity and by anxiety induced by the challenge of a romantic competitor, or by strained relations with a wife's or girlfriend's male relatives or friends who might intervene on the couple's relationship in an attempt to stop any emotional or physical abuse of their relative. Male versus female violence is also precipitated by the male adherence to the player-of-women image, as violent conflicts often arise due to the male's sexual infidelity and involvement with other women. Whilst males are pursuing this alternative role orientation, most lower-class females have been found to support traditional values and goals and definitions of male and female roles. This difference in internalization of sex-role definitions acts to precipitate violent conflict between black males and females, as women question the ability of the male to fulfill his role as head of the family and thus threaten his manhood. Marital violence amongst blacks has been shown to be 400% higher than that amongst whites, and black females have a 1 in 104 lifetime risk of being a homicide victim, compared with 1 in 369 for white females. Whilst black females represent 11% of all females in the United States, they account for nearly three-quarters of all arrests and incarcerations for homicide annually. The victim is usually a man with whom an intimate relationship had existed, with anger, revenge and romantic jealousy being the primary motives of black female homicide offenders. Most of such offenses have been found to be reactive, as females react to emotional or physical abuse perpetrated by husbands or boyfriends in their efforts to fulfill the player-of-women or the tough-guy image. Self-defense is also a motive for female versus male violence, as many black males physically abuse their partners. In fact, black husbands have been found to beat their wives four times as often as whites - so it is not surprising that black wives have been found to be twice as likely as white wives to have committed an act of severe violence against their husbands. Female versus female violence in the black community is less common than the other forms of violence, and is usually precipitated by romantic jealousy or from problems in a personal relationship with a male. Such violence occurs in a context of a community with a shortage of males with whom to establish relationships - the 1983 Census showed that there were 1.5 million more black females than black males. This difference is due to the high rates of premature death and incarceration among young black males, as well as widespread unemployment, alcohol and drug abuse, military service and homosexuality. Despite these problems faced by black women, white women are still more likely to kill each other than are black women.
AUTHOR'S RECOMMENDATIONS:
In order to further develop and validate the structural-cultural theory of black-on-black violence, a research agenda needs to be established to test the theory. Using structural pressures as the independent variable, researchers should obtain data about sociodemographic variables and social indicators of social pressure. Differential experiences of structural denigration of blacks should be investigated, using measures of self-esteem to tap into black racial pride and awareness. Data should be collected to develop an index to measure the variation amongst black males in adherence to the tough-guy and player-of-women images, and construction of image indexes would help the content analysis of personal accounts of violence to determine the precipitating factors of violent situations. Studies should also be constructed to examine the situational determinants, the phenomenological meanings and the interpersonal processes associated with nonfatal violence amongst blacks. The structural-cultural perspective calls for the social dispersion of lower-class blacks throughout society to provide greater access to educational and employment opportunities and to regulation of firearms. Whilst no single solution exists to the problem of black violence, the direction of effort towards these areas, and the commitment of more federal, state and local funds and leadership for prevention programs, are important factors in the fight against black violence. But the problem cannot be substantially reduced until the black community assumes ownership of its problems with a commitment to black cultural unity via the Afrocentric socialization of its youth, and with the resocialization of black men to internalize definitions of manhood that encourage masculinity via family stability and black survival.
EVALUATION:
The author presents a well-written and thoughtful discussion of the problem of black-on-black violence. The structural-cultural theory of violence is well explored, and its application to all types of black-on-black violence is powerful evidence of its utility. The research agenda presented offers a solid basis upon which to build future studies, and the conclusionary remarks offer hope for a solution to this pervasive problem. Overall, the paper should be considered as an excellent source for the development of both research and prevention policy, and the structural-cultural theory should be seen as a potentially useful explanation of violence awaiting accurate empirical validation. (CSPV Abstract - Copyright © 1992-2007 by the Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence, Institute of Behavioral Science, Regents of the University of Colorado)
KW - Intraracial Violence
KW - African American Offender
KW - African American Victim
KW - African American Violence
KW - African American Adult
KW - African American Juvenile
KW - African American Male
KW - Structural-Cultural Theory
KW - Black on Black Violence
KW - Male Violence
KW - Male Offender
KW - Male Victim
KW - Juvenile Male
KW - Adult Male
KW - Juvenile Offender
KW - Juvenile Victim
KW - Juvenile Violence
KW - Adult Offender
KW - Adult Victim
KW - Adult Violence
KW - Violence Causes
KW - Sociocultural Factors
KW - Socioeconomic Factors
KW - Class Factors
KW - Discrimination
KW - Domestic Violence Causes
KW - Domestic Violence Offender
KW - Domestic Violence Victim
KW - Spouse Abuse Causes
KW - Spouse Abuse Offender
KW - Spouse Abuse Victim
KW - Female Victim
KW - Female Offender
KW - Violence Causes
KW - Violence Against Women
Language: en |